Gravity in Bank Lending within the European Union

Editor’s note: This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2017. The project is a required component of every master program.


Authors:

Saga Gudmundsdottir, Olafur Heidar Helgason, Moritz Leitner, Clíona McDonnell and Alexander Schramm

Master’s Program:

Master in Economics and Finance

Paper Abstract:

This paper investigates whether and how geographical distance matters for bank lending within and between countries in the European Union. We estimate gravity-type regressions in various specifications, incorporating novel econometric insights which have thus far not been applied in the context of bank lending. Using recently published, disaggregated data on banks’ credit exposures from the European Banking Authority, we find the elasticity of lending with respect to distance to be -1.42 in our main specification. Controlling for various factors, the negative relationship remains persistent. We argue that this relationship is largely attributable to information costs, though cultural and historical ties between countries, capital requirements, local competition and cross-border trade also play a role. The analysis highlights the enduring influence of factors which prevent full European financial integration.

Conclusions:

The broad narrative that emerges from our analysis is that a combination of deeply-entrenched and policy-based factors determine international bank lending. Firstly, issues that have historically either hindered or facilitated lending – the prohibiting effect of distance in gathering information about potential or current borrowers, and the ties between societies brought about by cultural closeness, trade or direct investment – remain significant predictors of banks’ current stocks of outstanding loans within the EU. Secondly, some of the issues that have recently been under close scrutiny by European policymakers – capital requirements and market competition – also impact lending decisions.
Our analysis has important implications. Although we have not tested directly for the current state of financial integration in the banking sector in the EU, our results imply that a borderless single market for bank loans has not yet been achieved. Despite the progression of financial market integration across the EU, distance continues to be a deterrent to international bank lending on the European level. While some of the underlying mechanisms, particularly cultural and historical ties, are difficult to address politically, others provide scope for intervention by policymakers seeking to further progress the European integration project.

Although technological advancements may have improved transparency and eased the procurement of information and communication between bank and client, it seems they have not yet eliminated information costs in banking. There is room for new technologies that would further reduce the cost of verifying and monitoring clients to allow banks to underwrite more loans internationally. Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to provide a normative analysis of optimal EU policy, we have shown that both government ownership of competing banks and differences in national capital requirements act as deterrents to lending. The key areas we have identified could be targeted to advance the goal of further financial integration in bank lending across the EU.

 

Estimating Stochastic Volatility: The Rough Side to Equity Returns

Editor’s note: This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2017. The project is a required component of every master program.


Authors:

Lukas Grimm, Jonathan Haynes and Daniel Schmitt

Master’s Program:

Finance

Paper Abstract:

This Project evaluates the forecasting performance of a Brownian Semi-Stationary (BSS) process in modelling the volatility of 21 equity indices. We implement a sophisticated Hybrid Scheme to simulate BSS processes with high efficiency and precision. These simulations are useful to price derivatives, accounting for rough volatility. Then we calibrate the BSS parameters for the realised kernel of 21 equity indices, using data from the Oxford-Man Institute. We conduct one- and ten-step ahead forecasts on six indices and find that the BSS outperforms our benchmarks, including a Log-HAR specification, in the majority of cases.

Conclusions:

This project confirms the findings of Gatheral et al. (2014) and Bennedsen et al. (2016) that volatility is indeed both rough and persistent across a wide range of equity indices. We have explored the advantage of using a Brownian Semi-Stationary (BSS) process to model volatility enabling the user to calibrate both stylised facts in contrast to previous generations of fractal processes, like Fractional Brownian Motion. We have successfully implemented simulation methods so that a BSS process can be incorporated within a continuous time asset pricing equation to price options and other exotic derivatives. We then calibrated the parameters for the BSS model using the realised kernel of 21 equity indices. Our parameter estimates confirm the expected roughness and persistence in the series. The parameter for roughness, α, was quite stable across the cross-section of indices, but fluctuated over time. α averaged -0.37 and ranged from −0.33 to −0.42, implying much more roughness than the α = 0 implied by Standard Brownian Motion. Estimates of the long memory parameter, λ, were less stable, ranging from 0.0041 to 0.0230. We identify an issue when using MoM estimation that suggests MoM may be sub-optimal for BSS-Gamma forecasting. We forecast with six indices that cover a broad geographical spread and have stable lambda estimates. For the one-step ahead forecast we find that the BSS model outperformed two of our three benchmarks consistently under both MSE and QL loss functions. The BSS beat the Log-HAR benchmark in the case of the index with the longest memory, while it was slightly worse for the other five indices. For the ten-step ahead forecast, under the MSE loss function, the BSS model outperformed all benchmarks consistently for five out of six indices. Under the QL loss function the BSS outperforms all benchmarks, and this outperformance is always statistically significant.
Areas for further research would include investigating the forecasting accuracy of the BSS Power Kernel using a wider range of asset class, such as commodities, real estate funds and foreign exchange rates. Further robustness checks could test the performance of BSS against the family of fractional volatility models. It would also be interesting to further explore the relationship of ξ and its link with the variance swap curve.

 

The full version of this Master Project can be found here

 

 

Gender Differentials in Returns to Education in Developing Countries

Editor’s note: This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2017. The project is a required component of every master program.


Authors:

Ignatius Barnardt, Golschan Khun Jush, Thies Wollesen, Samuel Hayden and Eva Sotosek

Master’s Program:

Economics and Finance

Paper Abstract:

We investigate a possible gender gap in returns to education using data from the World Bank’ STEP program for seven developing and emerging countries. We control for cognitive skills, non-cognitive skills and parental education – previously unobserved due to unavailability of data – to investigate how this heterogeneity is playing a role in estimating the gender differential in educational returns. We also model selection using the Heckman two-step estimation procedure to examine whether selection may be driving this phenomenon. Our findings suggest that gender gaps in returns to education are not as prominent in the countries in our sample as previously suggested. We also find that controlling for unobserved heterogeneity on the one hand, and selection on the other, has different effects in different countries, highlighting the importance of understanding individual countries’ labour markets in detail before drawing conclusions regarding the existence of a gender gap in returns to education.

Conclusions:

This paper explores gender gaps in returns to education for seven developing and emerging countries. First, we investigate the existence of such a gap in a standard Mincerian framework. We find a significant returns gap in only two countries, namely Ukraine and Ghana, while the estimates for the other countries are centred relatively tightly around statistically insignificant point estimates close to zero. Using quantile regressions to dig deeper does not materially affect our findings, although it does allow us to specify that the returns gaps estimated for Ghana and Ukraine are significant at two out of three quartiles of the wage distribution, and that in Vietnam there is a small but significant returns gap at the upper two quartiles of the distribution. These findings are important in providing context for the existing literature, showing that returns premiums in favour of females are not universally prevalent in developing countries for urban wage workers. This suggests that where large, significant returns gaps have been found in the literature, this seems to be driven to a large extent by other segments of the labour market.

Second, we use our novel dataset to analyse the extent to which controlling for previously unobserved heterogeneity, namely cognitive skills, personality traits and family background, affect OLS estimates of the returns gap. We find that controlling for these STEP variables does not materially affect our baseline estimates for Bolivia, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya and Vietnam (where the estimated gap remains insignificant and close to zero), or for Ukraine, where the estimated gap is of similar magnitude and remains significant. Only in Ghana we find that adding the STEP controls has a material effect, reducing the point estimate of the gap substantially and rendering it insignificant. The results of the quantile regressions qualify this finding somewhat, showing that controlling for the STEP variables does make a difference for estimates of the gap at certain quantiles of the distribution in Ukraine and Vietnam. Overall, our finding regarding the importance of these sources of previously unobserved heterogeneity is cautiously negative: although they do appear to make a small difference for the level estimates and have an important effect in Ghana, they do not appear to be universal sources of endogeneity in estimating the returns gap for urban wage workers.

Third, we examine the importance of controlling for selection in estimating the returns differential using the Heckman two-step procedure, dropping Kenya from our sample due to missing data. Here we find that after controlling for selection, our point estimates of the returns gap remain insignificant in Ghana, Georgia and Vietnam, albeit with a relatively high point estimate in Georgia. Similarly, our estimate of the returns gap in Ukraine does not change considerably and remains significant. In contrast, we obtain higher and significant point estimates of the returns gap in Bolivia and Colombia. As explained above, this somewhat counterintuitive result is due to positive selection of females into employment in Bolivia and Colombia, and the positive relationship between education levels and probability of employment. Interestingly, in the two countries where selection appears to be important, we found earlier that controlling for the STEP variables did not have an observable effect. Our findings therefore suggest that it is likely to be important to control for selection when estimating returns gaps in developing countries, even if only to exclude the possibility of selection bias. In addition, our approach suggests that selection is likely to operate through channels other than cognitive or non-cognitive abilities, or parental background.

Taken together, our findings show that, at least for urban wage workers in the countries in our sample, a returns premium for females may not be as prevalent as previously suggested. We also find that controlling for potential sources of endogeneity, such as unobserved heterogeneity and selection, substantially changes the estimates of the gender returns gap in three out of seven of the countries in our sample. This highlights the importance of considering these channels to avoid the risk of biased estimation. This paper therefore represents a starting point for more detailed research, which could zoom in on the existence and drivers of returns differentials in individual countries, and overcome some of the limitations of this paper by extending it to rural areas and using samples with a larger number of clusters. These findings are also relevant to policy makers, since they demonstrate the importance of understanding the characteristics and dynamics of each country’s individual labour market prior to making policy proposals.

BGSE students get job offers

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From left: José Manuel Cebrian Diaz-Heredero, Emmanuelle Derré, Michèle Hamel, and Moritz Degler

***

Now that the academic year 2016-17 is coming to an end, and the hustle and bustle is finally dying down, it is a good time to reflect on how the journey at the BGSE has been. The Voice team is glad to find out that many BGSE students of the current batch have got job offers. One of our editors, Demas Koh, met up with four students who were happy to share this piece of great news with the BGSE and the wider community: Moritz will start working at Oxford Economics (London Office) as an Assistant Economist; Emmanuelle has got an offer from The Brattle Group (London Office) as a Research Analyst; José Manuel will soon begin his role as a Research Assistant (Bank Strategy) at CaixaBank in Spain; and Michèle has been offered a traineeship at the Strategy and Institutional Relations Division of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) in Luxembourg. This post presents the full transcript of the interview with these four BGSE students.

 

Can you please tell us more about yourself and your background?

Moritz: I am from Germany, and I graduated from Zeppelin University where I studied Economics from a rather interdisciplinary perspective. I have done several internships – in management consulting and investment banking. I also did a research internship at the Central Bank of Estonia and worked as a research assistant at Zeppelin University. During these stints, I was becoming increasingly sure that I would subsequently pursue a Master’s in Economics, and BGSE’s programme was definitely one of my top choices.

Emmanuelle: I come from France. After graduating from high school with the French baccalaureate, I went to the UK and did a Bachelor’s degree in PPE at the University of Warwick. I am now doing the Master’s in Economics at BGSE. I used to work as a research assistant at Warwick and my supervisor was Professor Luigi Pascali, who is currently at UPF. I was working a lot on international trade and economic development.

José Manuel: I am from Madrid and I did my Bachelor’s in Economics at Carlos III. During the last year of my undergraduate education, I was working at the BNP Paribas as an investment operations assistant for a year and a half. Thereafter, I moved to London, where I did a Business course. In January 2016, I started to work as a junior economist at BBVA Research, which awarded me a full scholarship for my first Master’s in Professional Development and Business Management at CIFF Business School and Alcala University. Now at the BGSE, I am doing the Competition and Market Regulation programme.

Michèle: I am from Luxembourg. This is also my second Master’s. Before coming to the BGSE, I did a Master’s in International Relations at the Catholic University of Louvain in Belgium. At the same university, I had also done my Bachelor’s in Political Science. During my first Master’s, I did an internship at the Embassy of Belgium in Luxembourg, where I found the combination of politics and economics really interesting. I am studying International Trade, Finance, and Development (ITFD).

 

What are your interests? Please describe them in two to three sentences.

Moritz: Academically, I like macro. What also fascinates me is the role of technological change and how it will affect the economy in many different ways. In my free time, I try to read more about it and follow up on things in the tech world. Apart from that, I am very interested in economic policies in the EU. I also like travelling a lot.

Emmanuelle: My academic interests are mostly related to microeconomics, especially industrial economics. I like the fact that it combines many different elements – micro, econometrics, and law. Outside of university, I like attending cultural events. For example, one of my favourite things to do is visiting museums, and being in Barcelona for close to a year has been great for this. Needless to say, London has an extensive array of cultural activities too.

José Manuel: My passion lies in strategy and competition using a quantitative framework. It is commonly assumed that the field of strategy is for MBA graduates and these graduates mostly do not employ economic and econometric analyses. There is definitely room for economists to be more involved in the strategy sector. In my free time, I enjoy doing sports, such as canoeing, surfing or playing football, as well as photography.

Michèle: I would say that I am very passionate about microeconomic policy evaluation. I guess I am also similar to Moritz in the sense that I like following European politics and reading up on EU policies. My hobbies include travelling, reading and cooking.

 

What have you gained from the BGSE?

Moritz: I did some applied research before beginning my Master’s here but I thought that there were gaps to fill with regard to the depth of my understanding of research methods in economics. So, academically, this year really helped me to do things in a considerably more rigorous way. I also really liked the international environment at BGSE.

Emmanuelle: Studying at BGSE enabled me to really develop and strengthen my quantitative background and to widen my knowledge of economics in general. I also really enjoyed working in groups for the weekly assignments: I was able to learn a lot from my friends. Apart from that, the international environment of BGSE enabled me to make some really good friends from all over the world.

José Manuel: At BGSE, I have applied my life philosophy, which is in accordance with this: “If I’ve seen further it is by standing on the shoulders of the best”. Here, I have enhanced my competencies in cutting-edge economic topics like competition and I have gained a solid foundation in quantitative and statistical methods thanks to a great faculty and wonderful colleagues from all around the globe – people with different points of view and tons of experience, both in their professional and personal capacities.

Michèle: This year I definitely developed strong analytical and quantitative skills in Economics and Statistics.  I will really miss studying with these amazing people from all around the world.

 

 Please tell us more about people who have inspired you.

Moritz: I definitely learned a lot from my supervisor at the Bank of Estonia, Karsten Staehr and my thesis/ research advisor at Zeppelin University, Jarko Fidrmuc with regard to applied economics research. Here at BGSE, I really enjoyed our first macro course with Manuel García-Santana.

Emmanuelle: I think two professors really inspired me to choose this career. Professor Robin Naylor at the University of Warwick made me discover and love economics in my first year of university. He made economics so intuitive, while at the same time demonstrating to us the rigour of the field. Working for Professor Luigi Pascali as a research assistant really motivated me to start a career in economics as I really liked how empirical quantitative research intertwines with theoretical knowledge.

José Manuel: There are many people who have inspired me throughout my life and I do not have enough space to mention them all so I will mention a few who were vital in shaping me into what I am today: Juanjo Dolado, Agustín Casas and Francisco Marhuenda from UC3M, the community of “No free lunch” (Nada es gratis) and last but not least, all those whose paths have crossed with mine, and made me who I am today.

Michèle: Former Belgian Ambassador and current Benelux Secretary General Thomas Antoine inspired me to pursue this Master’s. His optimistic view of the European project is also what partly convinced me to apply for the traineeship at the ESM. So starting July I can take part in the policy debates surrounding this project.

 

Why do you want to work at the organisation you applied for?

 Moritz: First of all, I think being at Oxford Economics brings together the experiences that I like most – not only research, but also facing real-world issues in a dynamic environment. It is not very common in the private sector that one can take on an advisory role in a macroeconomic research context.

Emmanuelle: I really like competition economics. Hence, starting my career at the Brattle Group is a great opportunity. They work on very interesting cases in Europe, the US and the rest of the world. When I was interviewed by them, I was surprised at how kind and encouraging people were. Working on competition economics in a pleasant environment seems like the ideal fit for me.

José Manuel: The CaixaBank is the third largest bank in Spain. The prospect of doing research in the Bank Strategy department really attracted me. I believe I can apply all the knowledge that I have acquired, especially what I have learned at the BGSE. Moreover, I am really excited about the development of new ideas for the transition into technology banking.

Michèle: I believe that this traineeship at the ESM will be an excellent starting point for me to put into practice what I have learned so far at the BGSE – a combination of quantitative, research and analytical skills. My previous academic endeavours have also equipped me with important communication skills. I think this is the right avenue for me to consolidate my learning and hone my skills. I will also work in an international environment, very much like the BGSE, and I am looking forward to it.

 

Please provide a brief job description of what you will do.

Moritz: I will be in the team that covers the Eurozone, and European economics is very important to me. I am glad that I will have the opportunity to work on these issues.

Emmanuelle: I will be working as a research analyst for the London office. I will be working on various projects in competition economics, as well as doing some quantitative analysis.

José Manuel: The department of Bank Strategy analyses the competitive and regulatory environment for strategic business decisions, both nationally and internationally, while also designing and following up on the strategic plans of CaixaBank.

Michèle: During my traineeship, I will assist the Policy Strategy & Institutional Relations Team. The division maintains relations with Member States and international institutions. Moreover, it does research on further euro area integration, regional financial arrangement and rating issues.

 

What advice can you give to future job applicants? How have you prepared for the application process?

Moritz: BGSE organises lots of recruiting events and I would definitely recommend taking advantage of that.

Emmanuelle: I think that the BGSE career centre was a very supportive platform to prepare for my job interviews, to get advice for my CV and cover letter. Magda and Laurence are really helpful and encouraging; they know a lot about micro consulting. Attending the companies’ presentations was also helpful to prepare for interviews and you could even write about it in your cover letter. For example, you could talk about your first-hand encounters with the company.

José Manuel: BGSE is educating many excellent professionals-to-be, so if you really want to be at the top, you have to be honest with yourself and show that sincerity and ambition to the world.

Michèle: I would say find out the most you can about any company you apply to via their website, news reports or other sources. Also, I would contact any BGSE alumni, for example via LinkedIn, that have worked or are currently working at your company of interest.

 

Finally, where do you see yourself in the next 5 years?

Moritz: I think it’s most important to stay curious, open-minded and to make sure to do things right. In the medium term, I could see myself either going more in a quant / tech direction or towards the analysis of economic policy and investment, specifically in the EU. Actually, finding meaningful answers on how to connect these two fields in the near future is also something I find very appealing.

Emmanuelle: Working at Brattle will definitely give me the chance to encounter many opportunities professionally. I am sure that in five years’ time, I will enjoy doing microeconomics consulting at Brattle even more!

José Manuel: Who knows? What is sure is that I will be working hard to do what I really like and I hope to grow professionally and personally by working alongside top economists.

Michèle: In general, I would like to use the next couple of years to gain as much experience as I can in order to then take up the responsibility of managing a team.

Inequality Through the Ages

Economists are often interested in inequality as a modern phenomenon. They collect evidence on the distribution of wealth between the rich and the poor, both in the present and over the past two or three centuries (largely since the advent of industrial capitalism). This is important for evaluating and monitoring present-day levels of inequality, for learning about the historical causes and consequences of inequality, and for examining the effects of inequality on economic performance, for example in the form of gross domestic product (GDP) growth.

In a seminar at Pompeu Fabra University (UPF) on 24 May, Prof. Peter Turchin (University of Connecticut, Complexity Science Hub Vienna) invited his audience to consider a broader view.  He began by arguing that, since approximately 10 million years ago, human structural equality has followed a zig-zag pattern. In the first stage, the strong hierarchical nature of the groups formed by our ancestral primates is likely to have led to high degrees of structural inequality, which remained the case until more recognisable forms of human society emerged.

Slide1
Source: Presentation by Prof. Peter Turchin, 24 May 2017

Approximately 200,000 to 100,000 years ago (depending on one’s definition of “human”), a large part of humanity was organised into foraging bands, and by 10,000 years ago, into small farming communities. These societies would have been more egalitarian than the social groups of their ancestral primates, due to their increased requirement for cooperation and relatively flat social structure. However, such egalitarian groups rarely grew beyond a typical size of several hundred or at most a few thousand individuals. One explanation for this is that humans can only maintain face-to-face cooperation with around 100 to 200 individuals, and therefore effective cooperation broke down once egalitarian groups grew too large.

To overcome this threshold, human societies required hierarchy. Specifically, adopting a hierarchical structure means that each individual needs to maintain face-to-face links with only his superior and his subordinates, creating a societal unit that can be scaled up indefinitely. Such hierarchical structures, combined with surplus resources generated by advances in agriculture and private property rights, allowed humans to form chiefdoms and archaic states numbering millions of individuals in the past 10,000 years. Due to their hierarchical nature, these societies were also characterised by higher levels of structural inequality, which is evident from a historical record of slavery, human sacrifice, unequal rights for commoners and elites, deification of rulers, and large wealth disparities.

When we look at modern societies, two important differences with these archaic states stand out. First, in many instances modern nation states are even larger than the societies described above, with tens or even hundreds of millions of members. Second, although present societies do exhibit varying levels of economic inequality, the severe forms of structural inequality described above have largely disappeared. Moreover, the explicit aim of many modern government structures is to benefit the public at large, for example by codifying human rights and democratic ideals. This raises an important question: how do such pro-social norms become dominant in human societies?

HS_2017
Source: Presentation by Prof. Peter Turchin, 24 May 2017

Prof. Turchin emphasises that the ultrasocial behaviour required to sustain societies of many millions comes at a significant evolutionary cost to the individual members of those societies. For example, volunteering for military service involves a large sacrifice of one individual’s chances of survival for the benefit of genetically unrelated individuals. In view of this, he proposes that the rise of ultrasocial norms can only be explained by an evolutionary mechanism operating between societies.

According to Prof. Turchin, the turning point came with the advent of the Axial age approximately 3,000 years ago. In part due to advances in technology — including the use of horses to travel longer distances, and the increased use of composite bows and iron — military competition between societies intensified. In this environment, the largest and most cohesive societies are likely to prevail, for example because mustering a large army is a collective action problem that requires a very high degree of intrasocietal cooperation.

This meant that evolutionary pressures favoured the selection of societies with prosocial cultures, including those with norms and institutions that constrained rulers in order to promote the public good. This period also saw the gradual disappearance of many structural forms of inequality as societies grew, including human sacrifice, the deification of human rulers, and eventually slavery. At the same time, new world religions, whose central messages often emphasised prosocial norms, started to spread.

Two opposing forces were therefore at play. On the one hand, a society expanding in size needs to increase the depth of its hierarchy to accommodate more individuals, which tends to increase structural inequality. On the other hand, competition between societies favours more cohesive and cooperative societies with lower levels of inequality. With the advent of the Axial age, military pressures meant that the latter force began to dominate the former, ultimately yielding the (relatively) prosocial societies much of the world lives in today.

This hypothesis generates predictions that can be tested against alternative theories. For example, opposing theories could hold that inequality only started to decline in the modern age instead of following a zig-zag pattern over millions of years, that mass religion generates inequality through oppression instead of being prosocial, or that military conflict destroys cooperation and decreases social scale instead of promoting ultrasocial norms. With a view to distinguishing between such rival hypotheses, Prof. Turchin is involved in building a global historical database of cultural evolution, Seshat, with the aim of collating data from diverse sources on the sociopolitical organisation of human societies from the earliest times up to the present.

Ultimately, research undertaken in this field is likely to provide important insights for the inequality debate in economics, as well as other economic issues. For example, if they are correct, the arguments summarised above have implications for development theory and the mechanics of how individual nation states become more successful, prosocial societies. They also have implications for the cooperation required between nation states to address global issues such as climate change.


References

Turchin, P.  (2015) Ultrasociety: How 10,000 Years of War Made Humans the Greatest Cooperators on Earth. Beresta Books.

Could post-Brexit uncertainty have been predicted?

By Cox Bogaards, Marceline Noumoe Feze, Swasti Gupta, Mia Kim Veloso

Almost a year since the UK voted to leave the EU, uncertainty still remains elevated with the UK’s Economic Policy Index at historical highs.  With Theresa May’s snap General Election in just under two weeks, the Labour party has narrowed the gap from Conservative lead to five percentage points, which combined with weak GDP data of only 0.2 per cent growth in Q1 2017 released yesterday, has driven the pound sterling to a three-week low against the dollar. Given potentially large repurcussions of market sentiment and financial market volatility on the economy as a whole, this series of events has further emphasised the the need for policymakers to implement effective forecasting models.

In this analysis, we contribute to ongoing research by assessing whether the uncertainty in the aftermath of the UK’s vote to leave the EU could have been predicted. Using the volatility of the Pound-Euro exchange rate as a measure of risk and uncertainty, we test the performance of one-step ahead forecast models including ARCH, GARCH and rolling variance in explaining the uncertainty that ensued in the aftermath of the Brexit vote.

Introduction

The UK’s referendum on EU membership is a prime example of an event which perpetuated financial market volatility and wider uncertainty.  On 20th February 2016, UK Prime Minister David Cameron announced the official referendum date on whether Britain should remain in the EU, and it was largely seen as one of the biggest political decisions made by the British government in decades.

Assessment by HM Treasury (2016) on the immediate impacts suggested “a vote to leave would cause an immediate and profound economic shock creating instability and uncertainty”, and in a severe shock scenario could see sterling effective exchange rate index depreciate by as much as 15 percent.  This was echoed in responses to the Centre for Macroeconomics’ (CFM) survey (25th February 2016), where 93 percent of respondents agreed that the possibility of the UK leaving the EU would lead to increased volatility in financial markets and the broader economy, expressing uncertainty about the post-Brexit world.

Resonating these views, the UK’s vote to leave the EU on 23rd June 2016 indeed led to significant currency impacts including GBP devaluation and greater volatility. On 27th June 2016, the Pound Sterling fell to $1.315, reaching a 31-year low against the dollar since 1985 and below the value of the Pound’s “Black Wednesday” value in 1992 when the UK left the ERM.

In this analysis, we assess whether the uncertainty in the aftermath of the UK’s vote to leave the EU could have been predicted. Using the volatility of Pound-Euro exchange rate as a measure of risk and uncertainty, we test the performance of one-step ahead forecast models including ARCH, GARCH and rolling variance. We conduct an out-of-sample forecast based on models using daily data pre-announcement (from 1st January 2010 until 19th February 2016) and test performance against the actual data from 22nd February 2016 to 28th February 2017.

Descriptive Statistics and Dynamic Properties

As can be seen in Figure 1, the value of the Pound exhibits a general upward trend against the Euro over the majority of our sample. The series peaks at the start of 2016, and begins a sharp downtrend afterwards.  There are several noticeable movements in the exchange rate, which can be traced back to key events, and we can also comment on the volatility of exchange rate returns surrounding these events, as a proxy for the level of uncertainty, shown in Figure 2.

Figure 1: GBP/EUR Exchange Rate

Fig 1

Source: Sveriges Riksbank and authors’ calculations

Notably, over our sample, the pound reached its lowest level against the Euro at €1.10 in March 2010, amid pressure from the European Commission on the UK government to cut spending, along with a bearish housing market in England and Wales. The Pound was still recovering from the recent financial crisis in which it was severely affected during which it almost reached parity with the Euro at €1.02 in December 2008 – its lowest recorded value since the Euro’s inception (Kollewe 2008).

However, from the second half of 2011 the Pound began rising against the Euro, as the Eurozone debt crisis began to unfold. After some fears over a new recession due to consistently weak industrial output, by July 2015 the pound hit a seven and a half year high against the Euro at 1.44.   Volatility over this period remained relatively low, except in the run up to the UK General elections in early 2015.

However, Britain’s vote to leave the EU on 23rd June 2016 raised investors’ concerns about the economic prospects of the UK. In the next 24 hours, the Pound depreciated by 1.5 per cent on the immediate news of the exit vote and by a further 5.5 per cent over the weekend that followed, causing volatility to spike to new record levels as can be seen in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Volatility of GBP/EUR Exchange Rate

fig 2

Source: Sveriges Riksbank and authors’ calculations

As seen in Figure 1, the GBP-EUR exchange rate series is trending for majority of the sample, and this may reflect non-stationarity in which case standard asymptotic theory would be violated, resulting in infinitely persistent shocks. We conduct an Augmented Dickey Fuller test on the exchange rate and find evidence of non-stationarity, and proceed by creating daily log returns in order to de-trend the series. Table 1 summarises the first four moments of the log daily returns series, which is stationary.

Table 1: Summary Statistics

Table 1.PNG

Source: Sveriges Riksbank and authors’ calculations

The series has a mean close to zero, suggesting that on average the Pound neither appreciates or depreciates against the Euro on a daily basis. There is a slight negative skew and significant kurtosis – almost five times higher than that of the normal distribution of three – as depicted in the kernel density plot below. This suggests that the distribution of daily returns for the GBP-EUR, like many financial time series, exhibits fat tails, i.e. it exhibits a higher probability of extreme changes than the normal distribution, as would be expected.

To determine whether there is any dependence in our series, we assess the autocorrelation in the returns. Carrying out a Ljung-Box test using 22 lags, as this corresponds to a month of daily data, we cannot reject the null of no autocorrelation in the returns series, which is confirmed by an inspection of the autocorrelograms. While we find no evidence of dependence in the returns series, we find strong autocorrelations in the absolute and squared returns.

The non-significant ACF and PACF of returns, but significant ACFs of absolute and squared returns indicate that the series exhibits ARCH effects. This suggests that the variance of returns is changing over time, and there may be volatility clustering. To test this, we conduct an ARCH-LM test using four lag returns and find that the F-statistic is significant at the 0.05 level.

Estimation

For the in-sample analysis we proceed using the Box-Jenkins methodology. Given the evidence of ARCH effects and volatility clustering using an ARCH-LM test but lack of any leverage effects in line with economic theory, we proceed to estimate models which can capture this: ARCH (1), ARCH (2), and the GARCH (1,1).  Estimation of ARCH (1) suggests low persistence as captured by α1 and relatively fast mean reversion. The ARCH(2) model generates greater persistence measured by sum of α1 and α2 and but still not as large as the GARCH(1,1) model, sum of  α1 and β as shown in table 2.

Table 2: Parameter Estimates

table 2

We proceed to forecast using the ARCH(1) as it has the lowest AIC and BIC in-sample, and GARCH (1,1) which has the most normally distributed residuals, no dependence in absolute levels, and the largest log-likelihood. We compare performance against a baseline 5 day rolling variance model.

Figure 3 plots the out of sample forecasts of the three models (from 22nd February 2016 to 28th February 2017). The ARCH model is able to capture the spike in volatility surrounding the referendum, however the shock does not persist. In contrast, the effect of this shock in the GARCH model fades more slowly suggesting that uncertainty persists for a longer time. However neither of the models fully capture the magnitude of the spike in volatility. This is in line with Dukich et al’s (2010) and Miletic’s (2014) findings that GARCH models are not able to adequately capture the sudden shifts in volatility associated with shocks.

Figure 3: Volatility forecasts and Squared Returns (5-day Rolling window)

Fig 3

We use two losses traditionally used in the volatility forecasting literature namely the quasi-likelihood (QL) loss and the mean-squared error (MSE) loss. QL depends only on the multiplicative forecast error, whereas the MSE depends only on the additive forecast error. Among the two losses, QL is often more recommended as MSE has a bias that is proportional to the square of the true variance, while the bias of QL is independent of the volatility level. As shown in table 3, GARCH(1,1) has the lowest QL, while the ARCH (1) and rolling variance perform better on the MSE measure.

Table 3: QL & MSE

Table 3 QL and MSE

Table 4: Diebold- Mariano Test (w/5-day Rolling window)

Table 4 DM test

Employing the Diebold-Mariano (DM) Test, we find that there is no significance in the DM statistics of both the QL and MSE. Neither the GARCH nor ARCH are found to perform significantly better than the 5-day Rolling Variance.

Conclusion

In this analysis, we tested various models to forecast the volatility of the Pound exchange rate against the Euro in light of the Brexit referendum. In line with Miletić (2014), we find that despite accounting for volatility clustering through ARCH effects, our models do not fully capture volatility during periods of extremely high uncertainty.

We find that the shock to the exchange rate resulted in a large but temporary swing in volatility but this did not persist as long as predicted by the GARCH model. In contrast, the ARCH model has a very low persistence, and while it captures the temporary spike in volatility well, it quickly reverts to the unconditional mean.  To the extent that we can consider exchange rate volatility as a measure of risk and uncertainty, we may have expected the outcome of Brexit to have a long term effect on uncertainty. However, we observe that the exchange rate volatility after Brexit does not seem significantly higher than before. This may suggest that either uncertainty does not persist (unlikely) or that the Pound-Euro exchange rate volatility does not capture fully the uncertainty surrounding the future of the UK outside the EU.

References

Abdalla S.Z.S (2012), “Modelling Exchange Rate Volatility using GARCH Models: Empirical Evidence from Arab Countries”, International Journal of Economics and Finance, 4(3), 216-229

Allen K.and Monaghan A. “Brexit Fallout – the Economic Impact in Six Key Charts.” www.theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media Limited, 8 Jul. 2016. Web. Accessed: March 11, 2017

Brownlees C., Engle R., and Kelly B. (2011), “A Practical Guide to Volatility Forecasting Through Calm and Storm”, The Journal of Risk, 14(2), 3-22.

Centre for Macroeconomics (2016), “Brexit and Financial Market Volatility”. Accessed: March 9, 2017.

Cox, J. (2017) “Pound sterling falls after Labour slashes Tory lead in latest election poll”, independent.co.uk. Web. Accessed May 26, 2017

Diebold F. X. (2013), “Comparing Predictive Accuracy, Twenty Years Later: A Personal Perspective on the Use and Abuse of Diebold-Mariano Tests”. Dukich J., Kim K.Y., and Lin H.H. (2010), “Modeling Exchange Rates using the GARCH Model”

HM Treasury (2016), “HM Treasury analysis: the immediate economic impact of leaving the EU”, published 23rd May 2016.

Sveriges Riksbank, “Cross Rates” www.riksbank.se. Web. Accessed 16 Feb 2017

Taylor, A. and Taylor, M. (2004), “The Purchasing Power Parity Debate”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 18(4), 135-158.

Van Dijk, D., and Franses P.H. (2003), “Selecting a Nonlinear Time Series Model Using Weighted Tests of Equal Forecast Accuracy”, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, 65, 727–44.

Tani, S. (2017), “Asian companies muddle through Brexit uncertainty” asia.nikkei.com. Web. Accessed: May 26, 2017

10 Years, 5 Leading Economists: The BGSE Anniversary Roundtable (Part 2)

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Students with Professors Alvin Roth and Christopher Sims

This is the second of two posts reporting on the roundtable discussion that took place on Friday, 31 March as part of the BGSE’s 10th Anniversary Celebrations. The first post focused on the contributions of the first three speakers,  Prof. Richard Blundell, Prof. Matthew Jackson and Prof. Anne Krueger. This post discusses the contributions of the last two speakers, Prof. Alvin Roth (Nobel Laureate 2012) and Prof. Christopher A. Sims (Nobel Laureate 2011) on  “The Practical Influence of Economic Research”.

Prof. Alvin Roth, Stanford University

Parothrof. Roth began by talking about the practical influence of his own research on matching markets. As Prof. Roth explained, these are markets where prices do not succeed in bringing the demand side and supply side of the market together. For example, while in a commodity market the price determines who will produce the good (those firms that can make profits at the given price) and to whom they will sell it (those with a willingness to pay greater than the price), the same cannot be said for the placement of students in public schools or the placement of new doctors in their first hospital.

Prof. Roth set out how economists’ research in matching markets played a crucial role in the design of more efficient school assignment systems. One problem in assigning learners to public schools, for example, is that parents may be incentivised not to list their first choice of school at the top of the list they submit to the relevant education authority, because they believe that their children’s chances of being assigned to the first choice is slim, and so they list their second or third choice at the top. However, in order to assign children to schools efficiently, the authority needs to know what parents’ true preferences are, and in this case economists can help to design the market such that parents have an incentive to reveal their true preferences.

Similarly, the college admissions process typically involves some congestion, since prospective students typically apply to many colleges,  but only accept a place in one college. This means colleges are faced with repeated rounds of admission decisions once they are informed that students who were accepted will not take up their places. A more efficient system would have prospective students submit their preferences over all colleges in advance, and are then placed in a single round using a central assignment mechanism.

Aside from designing more efficient matching markets, Prof. Roth also believes that economists can play an important role in gathering or producing evidence for the policy changes they advocate. As an example, Prof. Roth mentioned economic experiments undertaken in the United States (US), which convinced US policymakers to adopt a new mechanism for assigning new doctors to their first hospital, whereas those policymakers used to be reluctant to accept these theoretical arguments or experimental evidence from other countries.

Finally, Prof. Roth also voiced support for Esther Duflo’s view that economists have an important role to play as “plumbers”. This involves analysing and finding solutions for the ways in which markets do not perform well, due to some unforeseen practical obstacles not accounted for in the relevant economic model. In this respect, Prof. Roth talked about economists’ design of a matching market for kidney donors. Often friends or family members are unable to donate a kidney to a patient due to incompatibility of the donor and recipient, but this problem could be solved through a cross-matching mechanism whereby a donor-recipient pair is matched with another donor-recipient-pair in order to achieve compatibility.

However, in practice doctors often end up rejecting such matches for medical reasons in unforeseen ways. Economists designing this market are therefore faced with a practical problem to solve, namely how to elicit doctors’ preferences in such a way that once a kidney is matched to a patient, the doctor does not ultimately reject the organ for the operation.

Prof. Christopher A. Sims, Princeton University

Prof. Sims’ conProf.Chris Simstribution was concerned with developments in his own field of monetary policy, including the 2008/2009 financial crisis, and he began by pointing out that many central bank employees (including the heads of central banks) graduated with PhDs in economics, and therefore economics is certain to have a practical influence on monetary policy. In this respect, Prof. Sims believes that the effects of the financial crisis would have been far more serious if Ben Bernanke (and other policymakers) had not relied on the lessons of the Great Recession of the 1930s in implementing dramatically expansionary policies in response to the crisis.

In order to provide further context for his discussion of the financial crisis and the policy response in the United States, Prof. Sims noted that the policy prescriptions of monetarism had been a mistake, and that instead of aiming only at a constant growth rate of money, monetary policy should use interest rates as a tool to smooth fluctuations in economic activity. According to Prof. Sims, this shift in focus did indeed result in increased stability in the period leading up to the financial crisis.

Nevertheless, the overwhelming majority of economists, and in particular those in charge of monetary policy, did not predict the financial crisis, and the question has been asked why they were not able to do so. However, according to Prof. Sims, the role of economists in this instance can be compared to that of seismologists. In the same way that seismologists cannot predict earthquakes, but can only analyse them and provide very broad guidelines on when they might be likely to occur, recessions are inherently unpredictable, and economists should not be expected to predict them in advance.

A further question addressed by Prof. Sims is why the Fed chose to keep interests rates so low in the years leading up to the financial crisis. According to Prof. Sims, the Fed did have a rationale in adopting this policy, namely that it recognised the risks of falling into the kind of trap experienced by Japan since the 1990s, where the economy experiences low growth and the central bank is unable to provide monetary stimulus due to the zero lower bound on the interest rate. Nevertheless, it remains an open question whether the Fed should have better weighed these risks against the risk of creating a crisis through an extended period of low interest rates.

A further interesting possibility raised by Prof. Sims, although he did not address it conclusively,  is whether the post-monetarist stability leading up to the crisis paradoxically served to increase its severity. Here Prof. Sims again used an earthquake metaphor: if engineers design structures that are more resistant to earthquakes, this could allow a society both to construct more buildings, and to construct taller buildings that hold more people. In this way the original technology designed to protect the society against earthquakes could increase the expected damage of a very serious earthquake. In the same way, increased economic stability could have contributed to the deregulation and expansion of the financial sector which amplified the effects of the financial crisis.

Ultimately Prof. Sims expressed the view that economics as a field cannot carry the blame for an event such as the financial crisis. Which monetary policy is appropriate at a given moment is a hard problem, and economists should not carry the blame for attempting to tackle such problems, which are important to analyse, even if they are not completely successful in solving them.

10 Years, 5 Leading Economists: The BGSE Anniversary Roundtable (Part 1)

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On Friday, 31 March, the BGSE played host to a number of Nobel laureates and other leading academics from around the world as part of its 10th Anniversary Celebrations. The first event of the weekend was a roundtable discussion with five eminent academic guests about “The Practical Influence of Economic Research”. This post highlights some of the main points to come out of the contributions of the first three speakers: Prof. Richard Blundell, Prof. Matthew Jackson and Prof. Anne Krueger.

Prof. Richard Blundell, University College London

blundell-photoWith the help of attendant BGSE staff, Prof. Blundell overcame a minor hiccup with his microphone to speak on the practical influence of his research in the microeconomics of public policy and tax reform, and argued that the evidence economists present can have an important impact on government policy. As an example, he referred to the Mirrlees Review, which was produced under the auspices of the UK’s Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), and published in 2011, with the aim to  “identify the characteristics of a good tax system for any open developed economy in the 21st century, assess the extent to which the UK tax system conforms to these ideals, and recommend how it might realistically be reformed in that direction.”

According to Prof. Blundell, the Mirrlees Review has been successful in identifying flaws in the UK tax system (and those of other countries), such as effective marginal tax rates that decrease over certain ranges of income levels, and that differ across different sources of income, such as earned income, self-employment income and dividend income.  Tax benefits for low-income members of the population also tend to be unnecessarily complex and difficult to understand. These aspects of developed economies’ tax systems carry particular weight in the context of increased inequality and decreasing incomes at the lower end of the income distribution.

Prof. Blundell also argued that the Mirrlees Review has had some success in addressing these flaws, referring to the fact that a number of UK lawmakers have accepted some of its core proposals, and that the Review has been widely translated and distributed around the world.

Prof. Matthew O. Jackson, Stanford University

mojackson.jpgProf. Jackson started his presentation with a question that would be referred to a number of times by other speakers in the contributions that followed: what is (and what should be) the role of economists in society? Prominent economists have offered different definitions of their role since the inception of the field, variously likening the profession to those of artists, ethicists, story-tellers, scientists, engineers and, most recently, plumbers. Prof. Jackson focused mainly on the contrasting characterisation of economics as story-telling (as propounded by Robert Lucas) or as a science.

According to the story-telling view, economists deliberately work in an “unrealistic”, simplified world in order to tell us useful things about the real world using the power of imagination and ideas. In contrast, seeing economists as scientists doing the same kind of work as, for example, physicists, would imply that economists are engaged in discovering universally applicable laws of how markets work, and how firms and consumers make decisions. Ultimately Prof. Jackson highlighted how many of the most exciting recent advances in economics appear to fit better with the characterisation of economists as engineers or plumbers, such as recent developments in market design and development policy.

Prof. Jackson concluded by pointing out the potential practical implications of his own research on economic and social networks, and how modern technological tools can help us to better understand such networks. As an example, he referred to a figure produced using Python, showing how the US Senate had become more partisan over time, by drawing connections between senators that voted for the same legislation across party lines, and illustrating how the number of connections between Democrats and Republicans had declined over time.

Prof. Anne Krueger, The Johns Hopkins University

Prof. Krueger hiakrueger.jpgghlighted two ways in which economists exercise practical influence, namely by providing evidence that influences policy, and by providing blueprints to follow when change happens too fast for appropriate evidence to be gathered.

Regarding the former avenue of influence, Prof. Krueger’s points were in line with those made by Prof. Blundell.  Her most important example was India’s use of a small scale industry (SSI) reservation policy for more than 60 years, through which the Indian government reserved the production of certain goods to firms that employed fewer than a specific threshold of employees. Economists ultimately produced convincing evidence that this policy was not allowing firms in the reservation industries to exploit economies of scale, thereby rendering them uncompetitive relative to producers of the same goods in other countries. According to Prof. Krueger, this economic evidence helped to convince the Indian government to scale back and ultimately do away with its SSI reservation policy, to the benefit of Indian businesses in the affected industries.

Prof. Krueger made a similar argument concerning the cost of protecting employment through the use of import constraints, and referred to an example in the US where the costs of higher prices to consumers of import protection were many multiples greater than the employment income saved through that protection.  Prof. Krueger argued that by attaching figures to these costs in dollar terms, economists could influence lawmakers to adopt better policies.

Finally, Prof. Krueger referred to the 2008 financial crisis as an instance where economists had formulated a blueprint for responding to a rapidly changing situation, partly based on research on the Great Depression. Prof Krueger argued that this blueprint, which among other things called for large monetary and fiscal stimulus, had probably prevented a more serious recession following the crisis. As a further example, she mentioned the Mexican sovereign debt crisis of 1982, and argued that the structural reforms proposed by economists as a blueprint following the crisis have helped Mexico to achieve a better economic position than it otherwise may have done.

Continue with Part 2, which covers presentations by Prof. Alan Roth and Prof. Christopher Sims

BGSE students get PhD offers

In the last few months, several BGSE students have gotten PhD offers. The Voice team has met up with a few of them to find out more about their (academic) experience, and just life in general. This post presents the full transcript of the interview with Erfan Ghofrani, Rachel Anderson and Cristiano Mantovani, interviewed by one of our editors, Demas.

 

What were you doing before you started the Master’s programme at the BGSE?

 

Erfan:              I did Electrical Engineering as my major at Sharif University, in Tehran, Iran. I also minored in Economics. I took a couple of courses in Economics at UC Berkeley in the summer of 2015.

 

Rachel:             Before coming to BGSE, I was studying at Duke University, where I majored in Economics and Computer Science. I also spent some time during my undergraduate summers studying Turkish and Arabic abroad.

 

Cristiano:       I was working at UniCredit for about 2 years in Milan, Italy, as a risk analyst in the banking sector. Before that, I graduated from Bocconi University with a Master’s in Economics and Social Sciences. I did my Bachelor’s in Business Administration at the University of Parma, which is close to my hometown.

 

Did you accept the offer of entering the UPF’s PhD programme? Why? Did you apply to other PhD programmes? Why?

 

Erfan:              Yes, I have accepted the offer. Before Trump’s executive order regarding Iran, and before coming to Barcelona, I wanted to do my PhD at one of the top ten universities in the US. However, after living in Barcelona and pursuing my education at the BGSE, I have had a change in perspective. In my opinion, UPF is a great university with a renowned faculty, and Barcelona is also a really amazing city to live in.

 

Rachel:              While it was tempting, I did not eventually accept the offer from UPF. Instead, I’ve decided to study in the United States, where I’m from.  Macroeconomics does pique my interest, but I’m more passionate about other fields, which is why I’ve applied to schools that I think will  better cater to my interests – in applied microeconomics and econometrics. I’m happy to say that I’ve been accepted by Princeton University, and will likely be doing a PhD there.

 

Cristiano:       Yes, I accepted the offer from the UPF. I had only applied to one programme. Fortunately, I did not have to apply to other programmes as I was notified of the admissions decision rather early. I accepted the offer mainly because I was enticed by the Macroeconomics faculty members. Moreover, I really enjoy living in Barcelona.

 

What have you found most challenging about studying a Master’s at the BGSE?

 

Erfan:              Living alone, away from family members, is difficult and it will become more challenging if one does not understand Catalan and Spanish as one might not be able to communicate well with people outside the university. My undergraduate education was taught entirely in Persian, and hence the English programme has been a little challenging for me. However, it has helped me a lot with my English.

 

Rachel:              At first, the most challenging thing about studying at BGSE is living in Barcelona.  Barcelona is such an incredible city, with such great weather, and it has taken some time to learn how to avoid distractions and be productive! I’m glad that I’ve been able to strike a balance between working hard and playing hard.

 

Cristiano:       In the beginning, it was difficult to get back into the life of a student, as I had been working for some time. The biggest challenge was more of a mental adjustment, and I had to keep up with the fast pace of university life (besides the courses themselves). The free weekends seem to have become something of the past. However, I really enjoy what I am doing, so that keeps me going.

 

Name someone whose work has inspired you. Please elaborate.

 

Erfan:              My BSc thesis and project supervisor, Dr. Madanizadeh, inspired me a lot. I found it interesting how he had done the same thing as I was doing – Electrical Engineering at Sharif. Thereafter, he went on to read Mathematics at Stanford and Economics at Chicago. After graduation, he came back to Iran, unlike most of the Iranian students, who usually stay in the US. It seems to me that he loves Iran and wants to help fellow Iranians by improving the economic situation of the country. Now, he is the Head of the Modelling Group at the Money and Banking Research Institute of the Central Bank of Iran, as well as Assistant Professor of Economics at Sharif University.

 

Rachel:              I am most inspired by Paul Krugman as a communicator. I love how he is able to convey complex economic ideas in a way that is comprehensible to his audience.  I am also inspired by the work of professors at the BGSE like Robin Hogarth, who has made huge contributions to the field of behavioural decision-making.

 

Cristiano:       My thesis advisor at Bocconi, Antonella Trigari, really inspired me because of her work on unemployment dynamics. She has adopted a macroeconomic perspective, and when I was working under her supervision, it seemed obvious to me that I should study Economics at the graduate level. These are fundamental topics in every part of the world, and are especially pertinent in countries in which the unemployment rate has been increasing constantly. For example, youth unemployment in Italy has soared to 40%, and this has made me want to unravel the dynamics of unemployment.

 

What are/will be your research interests? Please describe them in two to three sentences.

 

Erfan:              We have seen dire economic situations in Iran in the last decades. An inflation rate of 40%, stagflation, as well as the Dutch disease are issues that one might have heard about in theoretical texts, but we Iranians have experienced them in reality. These have destroyed the lives of millions of people. My interests lie in monetary policies and macroeconomic policies through which I can better understand the causes of the aforementioned predicaments and I hope that we can prevent them in the future.

 

Rachel:              Right now, I’m most excited about applied microeconomics and econometrics, as well as behavioural economics. I’m interested in pursuing projects that address real-world economic problems and have the potential for positive social impact. One good example would be studying labour market trends for women in Turkey, which is the topic of my undergraduate thesis.

 

Cristiano:       Currently, I would really like to study the macroeconomics of labour as well as the interaction between fiscal and monetary policies. However, I don’t want to constrain myself too much, especially at the beginning of the PhD – I am not ruling out the possibility of working perhaps in applied microeconomics, such as public economics or studies on inequality dynamics.

 

 

What advice would you give to future PhD applicants?

 

Erfan:              I would advise potential applicants to work hard in mathematical methods as these are essential for a PhD in Economics. Moreover, reading a variety of papers about Economics is always useful as there is a lot to learn from them. Also, for applicants to universities in Spain, it would be good to start learning Spanish if you don’t already speak it.

 

Rachel:             Be patient.  Some of the material won’t be easy to understand right away; but if you’re resilient you will learn a lot.

 

Cristiano:       I have no particular insights with regard to this, but studying in groups and sharing ideas and comments has been particularly helpful for me. Moreover, I would also say: don’t be afraid to speak to professors during office hours – they are always happy to reply to you, and more often than not, they understand your needs and concerns.

 

Finally, what are your future aspirations?

 

Erfan:              I would like to be a professor and researcher in Macroeconomics. In addition, my ambition is to help countries with poor economic performance.

 

Rachel:             Personally, I would like to be a professor at an international research university like UPF, or my alma mater, Duke University. I would be excited to teach Economics.

 

Cristiano:       My ideal path would be to pursue a career in academia after the PhD, but a job at a central bank, a think-tank, or in the policy sector would all be equally desirable outcomes. When it comes to where I would like to work, I still don’t know, but leaving Barcelona won’t be easy at all, as I have made really good friends over the past few months.

The very short-run relationship between exchange rate volatility and exports: Evidence from Iceland

Does exchange rate volatility negatively affect exports? This question is of great value to policymakers, especially in small open economies, which often rely heavily on exports and often face a choice of exchange rate regimes. If volatility is found to constrain exports, that could provide an argument in favor of an exchange rate regime in which volatility may be subdued, i.e. a currency peg. If volatility does not negatively affect exports, such arguments are less valid. Another, equally important question, turns the causal relationship on its head: To what extent is exchange rate volatility caused by changes in exports?

In this article, I contribute to the discussion by studying the relationship between exchange rate volatility and goods exports in Iceland. The recent economic history of Iceland has been characterized by different exchange rate regimes and several episodes of turmoil in the currency market. Another interesting aspect of this case study is that the supply of Iceland‘s goods exports industries is by nature relatively inelastic. I focus on short-run effects using high-frequency data.

The effect of exhange rate volatility on exports has been extensively studied. Various estimation methods have been employed in the literature, but error correction models seem to be the most popular. Researchers are now increasingly addressing the issue using sector-level and firm-level data (Héricourt and Poncet, 2013; Serenis and Tsounis, 2015). Estimates of the effect of exchange rate volatility on exports range from being significantly negative (e.g. Asserry and Peel, 1991) to small (e.g. Bahmani-Oskooee, Harvey and Hegerty, 2013).

In this article, I propose a relatively straight-forward method to test for the short-run effect of exchange rate volatility on exports. Daily nominal exchange rates and monthly exports are de-trended using a Hodrick-Prescott filter. Within each month, the standard deviation of the cyclical, or residual, component of the exchange rate is calculated. This is used as a measure of exchange rate volatility, and regressed on detrended monthly exports along with control variables which pick up the annual cyclical component of exports and the short-run effect of exchange rate appreciation or depreciation.

Crucially, I achieve identification by using variation in Iceland‘s exchange rate regime as a source of exogenous variation in exhange rate volatility. Finally, I ask the other question: whether exports affect exchange rate volatility.

Exchange rate volatility in Iceland is found to be positively and significantly associated with the cyclical value of goods exports within a month in the period 1999-2015. When instrumental variables are used in order to address endogeneity, I do not find a significant short-run effect of exchange rate volatility on goods exports. This finding is not surprising given the nature of the Icelandic economy. Furthermore, I find no evidence that exports negatively affect short-run exchange rate volatility.

Background, data and hypotheses

Iceland is a very small, open economy. It has an independent currency, the Icelandic króna (ISK), whose value in terms of a trade-weighted basket of foreign currencies is calculated daily by the Central Bank of Iceland (CBI). For a large part of the 20th century, the market for the ISK was distorted due to capital controls and government interventions. This changed in the 90s and early 2000s and from March 2001 to September 2008, the ISK was free floating. In November 2008, in response to a severe banking and currency crisis, the CBI instituted capital controls which significantly affected the ISK market. These restrictions were in place until 2016-2017, when they were partly lifted.

figure1

figure2

The natural logarithm of the trade-weighted index of the ISK exchange rate, retrieved from CBI and taken on a daily basis, is shown in Figure 1, along with the trend component of the exchange rate as captured by a Hodrick-Prescott filter with a smoothing parameter of 10 million. As is evident from the graph, the trend component picks up all trends that last more than a couple of months. In Figure 1, a rise in the exchange rate indicates depreciation of the ISK.

The standard deviation of the residual component is shown in Figure 2. Note the large heterogeneity in exchange rate stability over the 15 year period. In the very beginning and towards the end of the period, exchange rates were basically stable, while during some months in 2008 the standard deviation of the residual component of the exchange rate was above 0.05 on the log scale, or about 5 percentage points in terms of the exchange rate itself.

Note also that that my definition of exchange rate volatility is somewhat unorthodox. It pertains to the heterogeneity in deviations from a medium-run trend within a month. This means that during a period in which the exchange rate is appreciating or depreciating fast in the medium to long-run, a stable exchange rate in a given month is interpreted as being more volatile than if the exchange rate would follow the trend. This may raise some eyebrows, but casual observation of the data does not indicate to me that this method is critical to the measure of volatility throughout the sample period.

figure3

The natural logarithm of monthly goods exports from Iceland, retrieved from Statistics Iceland, is shown in figure 3 along with the trend component as captured by an HP filter with a smoothing parameter of 14.400 (the standard value in the literature for monthly data). Iceland‘s goods exports are very homogeneous. In both 1999 and 2015, around 75% of the country‘s goods exports were marine products and metals, mostly aluminum. Both industries arguably have relatively inelastic short-run supply. The marine industry is mostly constrained by natural factors such as the size of fish stocks, and for technical reasons aluminum production has to be maintained at a very stable level.

In this article, I will not provide additional empirical support for my claim that the supply of Icelandic exports are inelastic, but simply use the above anecdotal evidence to motivate the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 1: Exchange rate volatility does not have a significant short-run effect on goods exports from Iceland.

Analysis of the data indicates that exchange rate volatility is higher during periods of currency depreciation than appreciation. This makes some intuitive sense, if one believes that due to risk aversion or an endowment effect financial markets are more volatile during stress than during an upswing. If this story is true, then it would also be true that during periods when exports rise relatively more than can be expected based on secular trends and cyclical factors, the currency market is more calm. This story can be formalized in the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 2: In the short run, goods exports have a negative effect on exchange rate volatility in Iceland.

At first, the two results can seem contradictory. However, one has to keep in mind that both exchange rate volatility and exports are endogenously determined along with a variety of other variables. To circumvent this issue, I use different instrumental variables to test each hypothesis.

For Hypothesis 1, I use that Iceland has recently undergone periods of dramatically different exchange rate regimes, ranging from a free floating ISK with huge capital movements to a capital controls regime with little activity in the currency market. These regimes provide a source of variation in exchange rate volatility which is completely exogenous to the cyclical component of exports.

For Hypothesis 2, I use that exports are quite cyclical in nature and use monthly dummies as instruments. It is more debatable whether these dummies are valid instruments, but at the very least they do not appear to be correlated with exchange rate volatility.

Results

table1

Table 1 shows the results from OLS regressions on the monthly cyclical component of the log of goods exports. Exchange rate volatility as defined above is the main independent variable of interest. I control for the effect of the overall movement in the exchange rate within the given month and in specification 2, two lagged values of these variables are included as well. Also included, but not reported, are dummies for every month of the year. The standard errors used to compute p-values correct for autocorrelation and heteroskedasticity using the Newey-West method with 6 lags.

The most significant result is that in specification 1, exchange rate volatility is positively related with exports within a given month (p=0.002). The point estimate suggests that an increase in exchange rate volatility within a month by 0.01 on the log scale (≈1% in terms of the exchange rate itself) is associated with 3,4% higher exports within a month. Beyond this, however, these regressions do not tell us a big story since we expect widespread endogeneity and reverse causality issues.

table2

Table 2 shows the results from more interesting GMM regressions in which the log of cyclical goods exports is again the dependent variable. There is a single instrumental variable: a dummy indicating a period spanning roughly 2004-2008 during which the Icelandic economy experienced large capital flows and significant exchange rate volatility. The Kleibergen-Paap F statistics also reported allow us to reject overidentification, but the LM statistics raise some concern about weak identification in the regressions. Ignoring these concerns for the moment, we find that goods exports are not significantly affected by exchange rate volatility, neither in the current month nor in the month before.

table3

Table 3 reports the results from GMM regressions where exports are regressed on exchange rate volatility. The instrumental variables are five monthly dummies which are chosen as they are most strongly associated with cyclical trends in exports. The Kleibergen-Paap statistics raise no concern about identification. Exports do not have a significant effect on exchange rate volatility, neither in the current month nor with a one month lag.

Some robustness checks were performed. The results in Table 2 are not sensitive to the choice of currency regime used as an instrument, although regressions using other regimes exhibit more identification problems. The same goes with the results in Table 3; including all monthly dummies as instruments weakens identification but does not otherwise affect the results. When I exclude March 2008 to February 2009 from the sample – a period of extreme volatility and uncertainty in the Icelandic economy – the effect of volatility in the regressions reported in Table 2 become more statistically significant, attributing a negative effect of volatility on exports with p-values of 0.098 and 0.111, respectively. However, these regressions are weakly identified and highly sensitive to the choice of regime as instrument. The results in Table 3 are not significantly affected by excluding this period. Controlling for quarterly movements in world prices of export products also does not qualitively affect the results. I did not specifically check whether the choice of smoothing parameter in the HP filter would affect the results. Checking this seems like a logical next step.

Discussion

I have studied the very short-run relationship between exports and exchange rate volatility in Iceland. I hypothesized that due to the inelastic nature of Iceland‘s goods exports, exchange rate volatility would not significantly affect goods exports in the very short run, i.e. within 1-2 months. The above results are consistent with this hypothesis. I also hypothesized that exports would negatively affect exchange rate volatility in the short run. The analysis above does not serve to support this claim.

The analysis in this article contributes to a large discussion about the relationship between exchange rate volatility and exports. I have added yet another case study to this discussion, and demonstrated how the use of HP filters can be useful in identifying short-run fluctuations in exchange rates and exports. For data availability reasons, I only looked at Iceland‘s goods exports industries. With a surge in tourism in recent years, goods industries are a declining share in Iceland‘s total exports profile. One would expect tourism and other service industries to be more sensitive to short-run exchange rate volatility.

The study is an ongoing project and ideally, I would need to perform more robustness checks. In particular, I stress that one has to take the GMM regressions with a grain of salt, as some of them are not strongly identified and results seem to depend somewhat on the sample period and choice of instruments.

Ólafur Heiðar Helgason

Barcelona GSE, Master’s Program in Economics, 2016-2017

References

Asseery, A. & Peel, D.A. (1991). The effects of exchange rate volatility on exports: Some new estimates. Economics Letters, 37(2), 173-177.

Bahmani-Oskooee, M., Harvey, H. & Hegerty, S.W. (2013). The effects of exchange-rate volatility on commodity trade between the U.S. and Brazil. The North American Journal of Economics and Finance, 25, 70-93.

Héricourt, J. & Poncet, S. (2013). Exchange Rate Volatility, Financial Constraints, and Trade: Empirical Evidence from Chinese Firms. The World Bank Economic Review, 29(3), 550-578.

Serenis, D., & Tsounis, N. (2014). The effects of exchange rate volatility on sectoral exports evidence from Sweden, UK, and Germany. International Journal of Computational Economics and Econometrics, 5(1), 71-107.